1973 UPRISING & 1976 MASSACARE | BKK 012
14th Oct 1973 Uprising & The 1976 Thammasat Massacre
Lᴜᴋᴇ Wᴀʟᴋs explains and explore the memorial that commemorate Bangkok's tragic events including:
14th October 1973 Memorial อนุสรณ์สถาน ๑๔ ตุลา ๑๖
World War I Volunteer Monument อนุสาวรีย์ทหารอาสาสงครามโลกครั้งที่
1976 Thammasat Massacre Memorial World War II Monument
The uprising of 14 October 1973 was a watershed event in Thailand's history. The uprising resulted in the end of the ruling military dictatorship of anti-communist Thanom Kittikachorn and altered the Thai political system. The 6 October 1976 massacre was a violent crackdown by Thai police and lynching by right-wing paramilitaries and bystanders against leftist protesters who had occupied Bangkok's Thammasat University and the adjacent Sanam Luang, on 6 October 1976. Prior to the massacre, thousands of leftists – students, workers and others had been holding ongoing demonstrations against the return of former dictator Thanom Kittikachorn to Thailand since mid-September. Official reports state that 46 were killed (both sides) and 167 were wounded, while unofficial reports state that more than 100 demonstrators were killed.
14th October 1973 Memorial:
A poignant inscription at the pedestal expresses the sorrow of lamenting parents waiting in vain for the return of their missing children whose names are inscribed on the sides.
The photos are a stirring record of the tumultuous days in October 1973; tens of thousands massing at the Democracy Monument, the violent military response, masses of demonstrators running for their lives and jumping into canals, the courage and defiance as some fought back using buses to block tanks and the tragic aftermath.
The 14 October 1973 Memorial - was completely erected in 2001 or 28 years after the "October 14 Event" ,
In 1974 the National Student Center of Thailand (NSCT) and the Government of Prime Minister Dr.Sanya Dharmasakti in agreement, proposed that the "October 14 Event" was the symbolic memory of political event. It was the "public" event, no one, in particular, owned this event. They were also on agreement that the construction of the 14 October 1973 Memorial should be the mission of the State together with the citizens and the public sectors. The location should be on Ratchadamnoen Avenue where the events mostly took place during October 14-16,1973. In addition, NSCT proposed that the monument should serve not only for commemorating the historical event but should be also practically useful.
The Stupa Saga - created by Ms.Surojana Sethabutra is a 14-meter inverted-conical sculpture composed of rectangular wide base and narrow top. Its apex has indentation indicating a ceaseless quest for democracy. The tip made of transparent material allows light to shine from the stupa implying the power of democracy that is immortal.
Architects developed the monument to represent the serenity, spaciousness, simplicity for commemorating and paying tribute to the heroes with the memorial sculpture at its center.
The popular uprising of 14 October 1973 (Thai: เหตุการณ์ 14 ตุลา, RTGS: Hetkan Sip-Si Tula, lit. 'October 14 Event'; also วันมหาวิปโยค, RTGS: Wan Maha Wippayok, lit. 'Day of Great Sorrow') was a watershed event in Thailand's history. The uprising resulted in the end of the ruling military dictatorship of anti-communist Thanom Kittikachorn and altered the Thai political system. Notably, it highlighted the growing influence of Thai university students in politics.
Student activism in Thailand the 1950s–1970s - Student activism in Thailand grew during the 1950s, as many students became inspired by leftist ideology to mobilize and organize demonstrations and rallies against the pro-American policies of the ruling government. The rise of university students as a political force was also due to the increase in absolute numbers of university students. From 1961 to 1972, the number of university students increased from 15,000 to 150,000, while the number of universities increased from five to seventeen.[2] Prior to 1968, student activity was confined to demonstrations of loyalty rather than demands for change or criticism of the political system. The death of Sarit Thanarat in December 1963 changed things as the government under Thanom was more tolerant of students and intellectuals this was credited as being responsible for restarting intellectual thinking and debate in Thai politics. Discussion groups sprang up at major universities which developed into organized and important independent groups. These independent groups in turn produced their own writings and the Social Science Review began to publish articles from them. Some of the writings were critical of the government. These groups also started to hold clandestine political seminars which encouraged students to be analytical and critical.
The National Student Center of Thailand (NSCT) - The student discussion groups were in many important ways different from the student unions already present on campus. They were radical and looked for new ways of interpreting Thai society and politics, often with a leftist slant. They did not organize themselves the same way the official student unions were run, i.e., on a hierarchical and politically conservative basis. These groups from different universities were able to transcend inter-university rivalry and build up contacts among themselves. Development programs, based on those of the United States Peace Corps, took students from various campuses to work in rural areas during their vacations and forced them to recognize the problems in the countryside. The programs also served to show the students how inadequate their university training had been, as they were not able to use any of their knowledge to improve the conditions which the majority of the rural population faced. As a consequence of the increasing collegial contact between students, the National Student Center of Thailand (NSCT) was founded in 1968. Its purpose was to represent and coordinate student action. The NSCT was to play a crucial role in the 1973 uprising. After several meetings between representatives from Thailand's universities, it was proposed that Thai students should have an inter-university organization, the NSCT. It was to include two members from each of eleven institutions: Chulalongkorn University, Thammasat University, , Mahidol University, Chiang Mai University, Khon Kaen University Silpakorn University and more (coincidently - Feroci / Bhirasri was the designer and sculptor of many of Bangkok's best known monuments, including Democracy Monument, Victory Monument, and the statue of King Rama I at Memorial Bridge. Silpa Bhirasri (Thai: ศิลป์ พีระศรี; RTGS: Sin Phirasi; Thai pronunciation: [sǐn pʰīː.rá.sǐː]), born Corrado Feroci (15 September 1892 – 14 May 1962), was a Tuscan-born Thai sculptor. He is considered the father of modern art in Thailand and was instrumental in the founding of today's Silpakorn University.). In its early years, the NSCT was not particularly active, and did not organize any political activities iInstead, it concentrated on areas such as community services, counseling new students, and producing a television show which praised the King, Bhumibol Adulyadej. This conservative, royalist outlook can be traced to the organization of the NSCT and the manner in which people were elected officers and this structure made it difficult for members of the more politically conscious groups to control or even influence the NSCT. As a result, activists were unable to win election to the campus student unions and any discussion groups found the NSCT to be conservative and unprogressive. However, This changed in 1972 when Thirayuth Boonmee, an engineering student from Chulalongkorn University, became secretary-general of the NSCT. He began the political activism of the NSCT. He was prudent in choosing issues to campaign against, allowing the NSCT time to mobilize and maintain political momentum. Despite the apparent unity of the student movement, there were noticeable splits among the students. While they were united in their aim to remove Prime Minister Field Marshal Thanom and his clique from office, once Thanom went into exile the student movement split into two main factions: the moderate university students and the radical vocational students. The vocational students were marked by their propensity for violence and their demands for the right to study for degrees. Likewise, the NSCT was divided between the two personalities, of Sombat and Seksan. Some scholars link this conflict to the traditional Thai personal clique power competition typical of Thai bureaucracy. However, others cite the cooperation between Seksan and Sombat in protesting the construction of a second international airport for Bangkok as evidence that it was possible for them to cooperate.
NSCT actions leading to October 1973 -
In November 1972, the NSCT began a campaign to boycott Japanese goods. This was a strategic move as it avoided a direct attack on the Thanom government, but served to show the public the students' intentions. As well as handing out leaflets in shopping centers, proclaiming an "Anti-Japanese Goods Week" and presenting a ten-point economic plan to Thanom, the NSCT also organized a protest march. It was difficult for the Thanom government to crack down on the NSCT despite the ban on other political parties as the NSCT played up nationalistic sentiment.
With the success of the anti-Japanese goods campaign, the NSCT took a more obvious stance in December 1972 and increased their powers by responding to the government's National Executive Council Decree, which enabled the council to place the judiciary under direct bureaucratic control. The NSCT organized an all-night sit-in at Thammasat University and a march from there to Chulalongkorn University. A protest rally was also held at Chiang Mai University. This was effective and after three days, the government backed down and retracted the decree.
In June 1973, several university students from Ramkhamhaeng University were expelled for publishing a satire on the ruling government. The satire was related to a hunting scandal that took place in April 1973, when a military helicopter crashed with the loss of senior military officers, family members, wealthy businessmen, and a film star. The death of the highly popular film star, as well as of the prominent businessmen, could not be covered up. The satire made public some of the details, arousing nationwide public outrage.These activities were exposed at a time when the government extended the terms of office of Thanom and his deputy Praphas for another year. The NSCT reacted by organizing rallies to have the students reinstated and subsequently, the government decided to close the universities, which caused the rallies to grow in size, reaching 50,000. Eventually, the government relented in the end, with the students reinstated and the rector of the university forced to resign. Through these actions, the NSCT gained a reputation for being on the side of the people, helping to turn middle-class opinion against the military government. The NSCT also learned to organize effective rallies and demonstrations, showing their growing experience and resourcefulness. By October 1973, they had earned themselves a political voice and, emboldened by their previous successes, took decisive action.
Events of 6–15 October 1973:
On 6 October, Thirayuth Boonmee and ten other political activists were arrested for distributing leaflets in crowded places in Bangkok urging support for an early drafting of the constitution. The ruling government used a decree banning gatherings of more than five people to arrest them. The eleven were arrested taken to police headquarters and their homes were searched.
On 7 October, Kongkiat Kongka, accused of being a member of a group advocating early promulgation of the permanent constitution, was also arrested.
On 8 October, the twelve arrestees were denied bail and were also accused by Deputy Prime Minister Praphas of being linked to a plot to overthrow the government.
On 9 October, more than 2,000 students from Thammasat University demonstrated at an anti-government rally. After the rally, the students held an all-night vigil, at which they were joined by students from Chulalongkorn University and several teacher training colleges. Then Khaisaeng Suksai, a former member of parliament, was also arrested, bringing the total number of those in custody to thirteen.
On 10 October, rallies in Bangkok swelled as more students from other student organizations joined the protests. The government prepared to react by quietly setting up a crisis control center with Praphas as its director.
On 11 October, Praphas agreed to meet with the students, who demanded the release of the 13 prisoners. He refused to meet their demands. By this time, the rally had moved to the grounds of Thammasat University to accommodate its growing size, with the number of protesters now reaching 50,000.
On 12 October, the government announced that it would release the thirteen prisoners on bail, but the students rejected the offer, stating that they would only accept the unconditional release of the prisoners. Money was contributed by members of the public to support the protest.
On 13 October, the crowd, which had swelled to more than 400,000 (including many members of the public), marched to Democracy Monument to demand the release of the prisoners. The government quickly agreed to the demands and promised that the permanent constitution would be in place by October 1974. With their demands met, the students agreed to go back to their universities. However, about 200,000 students refused to disband and leader, Seksan, decided to lead the group to the palace to seek advice from King Bhumibol.
On 14 October, the students reached the palace and were met by the king's representative, who said that Bhumibol requested that the students disband. The students agreed to do so, and the assistant director of the police ordered barricades placed to disperse the students in an orderly, single direction. The large size of the crowd meant that many were not able to leave, but the police refused their request for another exit, which resulted in resentment among the students. It is not clear how it happened, but reports soon were heard about violence against the students as the crowd became restive. Early in the morning, bombs exploded near the royal palace and the police began attacking the students.
By late morning, there were acts of vandalism and violence by both sides as the situation spun out of control. The government brought in tanks, helicopters, and infantrymen to support the police. Seventy-seven deaths and 857 injuries resulted and many buildings near Ratchadamnoen Avenue were set on fire. The number of demonstrators quickly grew to more than 500,000, as other students and their sympathizers rallied to their defense. The soldiers finally withdrew in the evening, and about 19:15 the king announced on television and radio that Thanom's military government had resigned.
Violence continued on 15 October around the police headquarters, with students demanding that Thanom be removed as head of the armed forces.Only when it was announced that Thanom and Praphas had fled the country did calm return to Bangkok. The end had come as quickly and unexpectedly as the violence had begun.
Aftermath:
The uprising unleashed a range of political forces not seen in Thailand before, and the country gradually became more polarized. In the immediate aftermath of the uprising, there was a popular perception of promise and euphoria. However, things took a turn for the worse, as democracy took the blame for the consequences of the past dictatorships. There were a myriad of reasons for the widespread support for the students. For a majority of the people, the military government was a main reason to support the students because it failed to curb inflation and prevent rice shortages. One theory was that despite the power and credibility they lent to the movement, the Thai middle class were far less concerned about the students' goals than they were dissatisfied with social and economic changes affecting their lives.
Student dissidence continued to emerge with grievances ranging from educational reform to Thailand's trade imbalance with Japan to the CIA's influence over the Thai military establishment. Strikes and sit-ins began in November 1973 and disrupted both businesses and private lives. The atmosphere of chaos continued as reports streamed from the northeast about the country's communist insurgency. The lack of strong leadership in the interim government meant there was little break from the past.
In the years after the uprising, riots and strikes took place with higher frequency and insurgency in the hills seemed commonplace while taxes rose. Electric power was intermittent and Bangkok at night was sometimes darkened. This was made worse as the international situation in Indochina deteriorated. Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia all fell to communist forces in 1975, and the threat of communist groups in neighboring countries led to panic among the Thai people. The presence of communist regimes on Thai borders, the abolition of the 600 year-old Lao monarchy, and the arrival of a flood of refugees from Laos and Cambodia swung public opinion in Thailand to the right, resulting in conservatives gaining far more support in the 1976 elections than they had the previous year. This right-wing shift would culminate in the 6 October 1976 massacre of student protesters at Thammasat University.
Analysis - The uprising was undoubtedly driven by the actions of the university students, but the role of other forces should also be mentioned. These include armed forces rivalries, especially between the army and the navy, and a series of wildcat strikes by common labourers and civilian workers in August and September 1973, both of which helped to create an atmosphere conducive to a change in the ruling government. While the uprising did not change the role of the monarch, it did emphasize his position as a final arbiter between opposing forces. On 14 October, King Bhumibol appointed the Thammasat chancellor and dean of the faculty of law, former Supreme Court Judge Sanya Dharmasakti, as prime minister by royal command. This established a precedent subsequently exercised only three times, of appointing Prime Ministers of Thailand. On 22 May 1974, Dr Sanya appointed a commission to draft a new constitution, and on 27 May tendered his resignation. A House of Representatives resolution called on him to serve a second consecutive term. In December 1973, the king appointed a 2,346-member National General Assembly that elected a new 299-member National Legislative Assembly to replace the old one. The king has remained a key reference point for the Thai people ever since.
6 October 1976 was another black mark in Thai politics. After 14 October 1973, a new PM, new constitution and fresh elections gave hope for a change for the better.
The 6 October 1976 massacre, or the 6 October event (Thai: เหตุการณ์ 6 ตุลา RTGS: het kan hok tula) as it is known in Thailand, was a violent crackdown by Thai police and lynching by right-wing paramilitaries and bystanders against leftist protesters who had occupied Bangkok's Thammasat University and the adjacent Sanam Luang, on 6 October 1976.
Prior to the massacre, thousands of leftists – students, workers and others had been holding ongoing demonstrations against the return of former dictator Thanom to Thailand since mid-September. Reports state that the death toll was 45, 40 demonstrators, 5 perpetrators.
In the aftermath of the events of 14 October 1973, the military dictatorship which had ruled Thailand for more than a decade was overthrown. Political, economic and ideological factors caused the society to polarize into socialist-minded left, and conservative and royalist right camps. The unstable political climate which was exacerbated by the existence of fragile coalition governments, frequent strikes and protests, and the rise of communist governments in neighboring countries led at least two factions of the armed forces to conclude that they needed to launch another coup in order to restore order; one faction plotted to bring Thanom back in order to provoke turmoil which could be used to justify a coup. On 19 September 1976, Thanom returned to Thailand, was instantly ordained at Wat Bowonniwet Vihara, and was visited by the King and the Queen, resulting in anti-Thanom protests and demonstrations.
On 5 October, the protesters were accused of lese-majeste following a mock play which led to right-wing allegations that its actor looked like the Crown Prince; the police and rightist paramilitary groups then gathered outside the university. At 5.30–11.00 a.m. on the morning of 6 October, the police used war-grade weapons, including assault rifles, grenade launchers, anti-armor rounds and grenades, to wage the crackdown against the surrounded protesters. The protesters briefly tried to defend themselves, but they were quickly defeated. Right-wing paramilitaries also lynched fleeing protesters; they were assaulted, robbed, sexually abused, shot, burned alive, and beaten to death, even some who had already surrendered. Bodies were also desecrated.
3,094 protesters were arrested on that day, while none of the perpetrators were brought to justice to date. On 6.00 p.m. that same evening, a coup was launched citing lèse-majesté and heavily-armed protesters. In the aftermath, the preceding age of "democratic experimentation," which had lasted only about two years and eleven months, was ended. Thanin Kraivichien was named Prime Minister and the ultra-right government further fuelled the communist insurgency.
The public were largely silent following the government stance of "forgive and forget", including the modern Thai public who are more sympathetic to the massacred protesters.
But from 1973 – 1976, a series of weak coalition governments floundered in a chain of musical chairs. By 1976 the political mood was somber. A unified Vietnam after the Communist victory and the killing fields in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge hung like a haunting specter over the region. With the withdrawal of US forces from Asia, South East Asian countries were living in apprehension. This was also a period of newfound freedom for the students and intellectuals. Still heady from their moral victory three years earlier, they engaged in open expression, organized demonstrations, strikes and demands for reform. But by 6 October 1976, the winds of political change have shifted. The very people who backed the students three years ago were skeptical of them now in the light of the communist threat. The conservative middle class found the strident left wing radicalism unsettling. There was a strong anti-communist sentiment in Thailand with an insurgency in the south. The proximity of communist neighbors in Vietnam and Cambodia compounded the fears. There was a rise of right wing groups at the village level and among technical and vocational students to counter the left-wing groups, with frequent clashes between the two. The weak government torn by factional strife was unable to rein in the two extremes. In the midst of all this, Field Marshall Thanom Kittikachorn, the deposed dictator in 1973, returned to Thailand and was ordained as a monk. With the bitter memories of 14 October 1973 still fresh in their minds, the students were incensed. They massed for a huge protest in Thammasat University. By now, the students, with their left wing liberal attitudes, were treated with suspicion. As in some other South East Asian countries it was easy to be tarred a communist just by opposing the establishment. The spark that fired the pogrom was the burning by students of an effigy that allegedly resembled a member of royal family. In the eyes of the common people and the right wing groups the students had gone too far. On evening of the 6 October 1976, right-wing groups, police and the military stormed the campus in an orgy of killings and unspeakable atrocities to the living and the dead. Hopes for a dawn of a new democracy were quickly crushed. Many intellectuals fled to the hills. 6 October was like a nightmare society preferred to forget.
The only memorial for those who died on 6 October is in the grounds Thammasat University, near the 14 October memorial. It's a simple sculpture, a stone slab with letters and numerals in Thai forming the date, 6 October 2519 (1976). What's even more significant are the words in English and Thai inscribed around the base of the sculpture.
6 October 2519 (1976) - "What is most regrettable is the fact that young people now have no third choice. If they cannot conform to the government, they must run away. Those interested in peaceful means to bring about freedom and democracy must start from square one." Dr Puey Ungphakorn
Every year on 6 October, relatives, sympathetic academics and politicians gather at the 6 October 1976 memorial in Thammasat University to honor the memory of the unfortunate victims in the hope that they won't be completely forgotten.
World War I Volunteer Monument:
At the start of the war in 1914, Siam declared their neutrality. The Kingdom maintained this status until July 1917 when it declared war on Germany and Austria-Hungary. Following acclimation, and specialist training, a Siamese military contingent arrived on the Western Front in mid-September 1918, only two months before the war ended. Following the Armistice, Siamese troops contributed to the initial occupation of Rhineland which was a strip of German land that borders France, Belgium, and the Netherlands. This area was deemed a demilitarized zone to increase the security of France, Belgium, and the Netherlands against future German aggression.
Siamese casualties during the war amounted to 19. Upon their return to Thailand on 21 September, 1919, the ashes of dead veterans were taken to be enshrined here on 24 September, 1919. The World War Volunteers Memorial honoring the Siamese soldiers who died in the conflict opened on 22 July 1921. The last surviving member of the Siamese Expeditionary Forces, Yod Sangrungruang, died on 9 October 2003 at the age of 106.
BKK Series - Season 001 Episode 012
Lᴜᴋᴇ Wᴀʟᴋs explores BANGKOK: 14th October 1973 Memorial นุสรณ์สถาน ๑๔ ตุลา ๑๖ 14, 16 Ratchadamnoen Ave, Khwaeng Wat Bowon Niwet, Khet Phra Nakhon, Bangkok 10200. 14, 16 ถนน ราชดำเนินกลาง แขวง วัดบวรนิเวศ เขตพระนคร กรุงเทพมหานคร 10200
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Title: Tragic Events in Bangkok’s History | 14th Oct 1973 Uprising & The 1976 Thammasat Massacre | BKK 012
Created by: Luke Walks Source: https://youtu.be/rX1yXk2-8VM
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Lᴜᴋᴇ Wᴀʟᴋs🚶 Video #049BKK
